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About Portland observer. (Portland, Or.) 1970-current | View Entire Issue (July 15, 1987)
Page 2, WHEw di a Observer, July 15, 1987 A lo n g th e C o lo r Line Ì by lb Oregon_„ M a n n in g M aruhle Dr M a n n in g M . itile is p ro fe sso r o f s o c io lo g y a n d p o litic a l's c it •n< e 140 n e w s p a p e rs in te rn a tio n a lly STATE SYSTEM OF H/GHER E D U C A T IO N O FFIC E OF P U B L IC A FF A IR S P O BOX 3175 EUGENE, OREGON 97403 (503) 686-5714 Racial Conflict in Europe Part II of a Three Part Series The greatest contemporary racial crisis in Western Europe is unquestionably the Black struggle in Britian. I was invited to London to deliver a major speech to honor Guyanese historian-political leader Walter Rod ney, marking the seventh anniversary since his assassi nation by the dictatorial regime of Forbes Burnham in Guyana. While in London, I had the opportunity to meet dozens of prominent Black trade unionists, politi cians, educators and other leaders who are struggling against the British version of the color line. The history of Blacks in the United Kingdom is in certain respects fundamentally different from the Afro- American experience. Although a small number of Blacks have been in Britian for several centuries, the vast majority have come since the Second World War. Roughly half of all emigrants came from the British Caribbean, expecially Jamaica, Trinidad, Barbados and Guyana; the remainder were ethnically Asians, which departed from the Indian subcontinent and East Africa. At one point in the 1950s, about three thousand West Indians arrived monthly. They accepted the very worst, lowly-paid jobs in the unskilled and semiskilled positions which whites refused to take. And by the end of the 1960s, the nearly two million members of the new West Indian and Asian neighborhoods were commonly term ed "Black people" —a sociopolitical rather than biologi cal category. As the British economy faltered in the 1960s, the conditions for a racist reaction against Blacks began to be created. White workers, fearful of unemployment, began to advocate a whites-first principle in the labor market. As in the U.S., a crude "dual labor market" took shape, with whites of most levels receiving higher wages and superior working conditions. Currently the Black jobless rate is 25 percent, more than the 11 per cent for whites. Black youth unemployment in most major cities exceeds 60 percent. In one recent public opinion poll, 7 percent of Blacks stated that white em ployers overtly discriminate by race. In the field of education, Blacks' rights were increas ingly restricted. A hugh percentage of Black children were indiscriminately placed in special education class es for the "abnorm al." London boroughs began a prac tice of "banding" —what we would term "busing" — Black school-children far from their homes to majority white schools. In protest, Black parents in the North London West Indian Association and other organiza tions coalesced to call for an abolition of racist educa tional practices. Blacks were also harshly controlled by the British police, who had few restrictions on their utilization of violence against nonwhite "suspects." A pattern of police brutality and unlawful or unjustified homicides against Blacks led to a wave of street demonstrations and uprisings in the ghettoes in Brixton, Liverpool, Toxteth, Manchester and elsewhere. But to date, the police have done little to promote racial integration in hiring policies: there are only about 700 nonwhites out of a total national policeforce of 125,000. Police con tinue to stop and search Blacks indiscriminately and without cause. Probably the sharpest parallel between the racial cri sis inside the U.S. and the U.K. is the accelleration of both electoral political and vigilante racism since the 1970s. As both societies have lurched to the right under the sterile sway of Reaganism and Thatcherism, respec tively, white racism has been given a type of political respectability. This authoritarian process unfolded a little earlier abroad than here. Back in the late 1960s, racist politi cian Enoch Powell campaigned for the total expulsion of all Blacks from the U.K. Powell gave the mainstream politicians the justification to enact the Immigration Act of 1971, which effectively shut off all nonwhite entry into the U.K. The dismal failure of both the Conserva tive and Labour Parties to combat institutional racism logically culminated in vigilante acts of terror and vio lence committed by whites. In the mid-1970s, for in stance, dozens of Asians were bea'ten or stabbed, while the police did virtually nothing to check the viplence. In 1984 alone, 1,300 racist attacks were recorded. Asians are 50 times more likely to be the victims of ver bal and/or physical assaults than whites. Racist graf- fitti and other forms of intimidations are becoming the norm on public property, buses and walls throughout the nation. Blacks in Britian have drawn renewed strength from their intense struggles, and in many ways illustrate for Black Americans the kind of political resolve which we need to manifest against Reaganism and the new racism at home. This political courage is summed up in the Black British Slogan: "Come What May, We are Here to Stay." Legal Journal •I •• • by William E. Davis Chancellor of the Oregon State System of Higher Education A Historic Decision for Oregon Higher Education The Key to Liberty Can be Found in the U.S. Constitution • A * -•< * ? r- L.y, r ,;Z - >4. .V ’ t ’ ♦V *x / ' V . a * i -zr X: ■ ' r’ rf ,*X* ; V .* *s I A NEWS SERVICE by Omari Kenyatta, J.D. OF THE UNITED CHURCH OF CHRIST It is absolutely intrinsic that you should read the U.S. Constitution. This should be done with the intent to understand the contents of this unique document. What you will find is that we have a form of govern ment that is three dimensional by Constitutional design: The Executive, Judicial, and Legislative. This form is the best that a country can have, and, once you under stand how this government operates, it will mystify and delight you. The following is a paragon as to why you should read the U.S. Constitution. The U.S. went to the gold stan dard in 1933, and, in 1968, money backed by silver cer tificates was withdrawn from the market. What hap pened in this case is that Congress violated the U.S. Constitution by turning over money coinage to the Federal Reserve Banks and not having it backed by silver and gold. (See the Coinage Act of 1792 which declares that gold and silver are to be the money of account of the United States.) Take the case of Lewis vs. United States, 680 F. 2D 1239 (1982), The United States Court of Appeals, the Ninth Circuit. This court made the following ruling: "W e conclude after examinating the facts that the Federal Reserve Banks are not a part of the United States government. They are privately owned, locally controlled corporations. The General Accounting Of fice of the United States does not have jurisdication over the Federal Reserve Banks. Therefore, this writer is of the opinion that your federal government should be in charge of the coinage of money and not some pri vate coporation which the American tax payers have no control over." It should be understood by the readers of this journal that private corporations are in business to make money. However, if profit is the motive, you can be assured that their interests come first, and they have to keep their stockholders happy. I am not against profit-making, because that's the American way, and I believe in the free enterprise sys tem; it's the best, bar none; but do not turn over the tax payers' constitutional rights to private corporations. Are you aware that inflation could be brought to an abrupt halt in America overnight if this country went back to the gold standard. Take a look at what has happened since 1968. When the money that was backed by silver certificates was withdrawn from the market, inflation has continued to aggrandize year by year. If we don't go back to the silver and gold certificates standard in this country, by the year 2001, according to the projections of the U.S. Government figures, a pound of hamburger will sell for $10.50 per pound, a simple dress that sells for $60.00 in 1980 will sell for $275.00 by the year 2001, and a house that costs $75,000 in 1980 will have a price tag on it that will be literally astounding at $600,000. In general, we should be able to cope quite well in such as economic climate. Salaries are expected to keep pace with th,e cost of living, easing the press of inflation. For example, the secretarial job that paid $11,000 per year in 1980 is expected to command a whopping salary of $45,000 in 2001. A factory worker who made about $25,000 in 1980 might expect to hold a similar job paying about $98,000. A high school teacher, whose salary is around $15,000 now, will be paid $58,000. Of course, there will be others who will do better or worse, depending on how much foresight they show in the choice of their careers. You might ask what is the point the author is trying to make? It's as simple as this: There will be more poverty and jobs lost in the future if we don't go back to a monetary system that is backed up by silver and gold whereby we can compete in the world markets. This should be kept in mind. If the U.S. currency went back on gold standards, your standard of living would not decrease; it would increase. The moral of this story is that the next time you think of voting for a politician, try to find out whether he or she understands the U.S. Constitution and particularly the Coinage Act of 1792, which declares gold and silver to be the money of account of the United States. Also find out if this person understands how Article 1, Sec tion 10 of the U.S. Constitution affects the citizens of the state he or she represents. If the elected officials do not properly understand this document, how are they going to properly repre sent your interests? For further information, please write to or call this newspaper, or write to me: Omari Kenyatta, J.D., c/o The Portland Observer, P.O. Box 3137, Portland, OR 97208. COMMISSION FOR RACIAL JUSTICE Running a Shell Game in South Africa It's like the proverbial shell game with the Ford Motor Company as the con man. Ford claims to have divested itself of all its financial holdings in South Africa. Yet, the reality is that the Ford Motor Company, like General Motors, continues to indirectly support the racist holo caust in South Africa. Over the last several years the point-counterpoint debate over U.S. corporations divesting from South Africa has revealed one simple truth: these corpora tions continue to make a profit in that country at the expense of millions of Black South Africans. Black South Africans have been brutally murdered, raped, and tortured by an oppressive regime that is fueled by outside economic and military support. This1 support has come exclusively from so-called Western demo cracies. The hands of the United States, Great Britian and Israel are drenched with the blood of South A fri cans. This new round of mythical divestment by major U.S. corporations attempts to fool the public. Ford and Gen eral Motors have entered into agreement^ that have ac tually transferred their major holdings to South African- owned companies. This sleight of hand does not weak en apartheid, but, instead, strengthens it. Then there is the guise of Black South Africans sup posedly being empowered by the benevolence of these companies as they pretend to depart. For example, Ford Motor Company is boasting that under its method of divestment 24% of its holdings will be donated to a Black workers’ trust. What Ford does not emphasize is that the Anglo American Corporation, a major South African company will wind up with a 76% controlling Hl p«'.« il *r< I • * iA :/r.' ■» Ì' ÍÍK » ’U-; ★ NOTICE ★ The Portland Observer has moved to our modern, spacious facility. Our new address is 5011 N.E. 26th Ave., Portland. OR 97211. O 'e iji " N e w .p .ip p r P u b ls h e r s Assi ». tiilin K r* interest in the company after Ford sells its shares. Thus, the result of Ford's actions is to increase the stranglehold of companies like the South African-based Anglo American Corporation. The truth is, however, that it really doesn't make a difference what percentage of these companies' shares would be set aside for a Black workers' trust. These trust funds, under the apartheid system, are ultimately not controlled by Black workers. The rights of Black workers, like the rights of all Black South Africans, are subject to the whims of their white racist rulers. The labor movement in the United States should be challenged to speak out against this type of subterfuge. As a veteran of the civil rights movement, I now find it hard to understand how the U.S. labor movement can sit idly by and not take Ford and General Motors to task for their support of apartheid. But there is larger question. When will African Americans withdraw financial support from all U.S. corporations that continue to suck the blood of African people? How can anyone in good conscience buy a car from a company which remains in an unholy alliance with South Africa? The holocaust in South Africa must be stopped. In creased economic sanctions by the government of the United States and by U.S. corporations are long over due. Yet history teaches us that this will not happen until literally millions'of people inside the United States stand up and speak out against this unprecedented racism. This is Benjamin F. Chavis Jr. of the United Church of Christ for Civil Rights Journal. Portland Observer The in la n d fd i\r r \+ r IU S P S 9 6 9 5 8b > "is Th urvtay by E*»e Publishing C om pany. Inc worth Portland O regon 97? 11 published «very 1463 N E Post Office Bo» 3137 Killings Portland O regon 9 7?QR S econd class postage paid at Portland Oregon The /s ■riluntl f )b \r r \e r was esiatUished m 197b USPS r ■■■ ■'•, *eW ’’ • An addition to OHSU's basic science building; • Utility improvements at OHSU and Oregon Tech; • Construction of OSU Agriculture Experiment Sta tion research facilities, and expansion of OSU's North Willamette Research Station at Aurora. This will serve as further evidence to prospective businesses and industries that Oregon is serious about excellence in education. The Governor's legislatively approved plan will not only advance higher education, but also finance $8 million in community college construction, free up $30 million for basic school support (which, in turn, will reduce local property taxes), and make money available for prison construction. Once again, Oregon will be able to show how much good higher-education construction can do for the state — in promoting construction jobs, in attracting top faculty and students, in attracting outside gifts and grants, and in serving as a magnet for new business and industry. As I told a Ways and Means subcommittee when Governor Goldschmidt proposed this plan, this indeed may be one of the most historic moments in the history of Oregon higher education. CIVIL RIGHTS JOURNAL 1 * Oregon State College, OSE and the U of O, as required . by federal and state laws; • Renovation of the UO Architecture and Allied Arts building, whose programs and classes now are scatter ed in 27 locations, plus money to plan an addition to the UO Library. • An addition to PSU's Branford P. Millar (cq) Lib rary; about 10 percent of the crowded library's collec tion now is stored in a downtown parking garage; • Construction of a classroom/lab building at Eastern for office, lab, studio, performance and support space for math, art, theater, music and possibly computer services; • Work on Churchill Hall and the computer center at Southern Oregon State College; • Construction of OSU's Agricultural Sciences II building to consolidate programs and replace ineffi cient, expensive-to-maintain space while also providing expanded research capabilities for one of Oregon's lead ing industries; The last time the Oregon Legislature voted general-fund dollars for constructing higher-education buildings, Jimmy Carter was in the White House, U.S. hostages were being held in Iran and Three Mile Island was in the news. , It was 1979. Nevertheless, we have not stood still. Private and federal dollars have built the Vollum Institute of Advan ced Biomedical Research at the Oregon Health Scien ces University in Portland, the Earle A. Chiles Business Center at the University of Oregon, the Schneider art museum at Southern Oregon State College, and other buildings. In addition, Oregon Lottery dollars are framing new engineering, business and science buildings at Oregon State University, Portland State University, Oregon In stitute of Technology and the U of 0. Now, the Oregon Legislature has approved Gov. Neil Goldschmidt's plan to invest $64.9 million in general- fund dollars in higher-education capital construction. This bold move will not only accelerate the develop ment of our eight state campuses for the remainder of this century, but also boost the Oregon economy. That investment is part of a total package of $141 million approved by the legislature that will financed other projects such as parking garages, student unions, dormitories and recreational facilities. These self- supporting projects, amounting to $76.5 million, are paid for by user fees, federal funds and Oregon lottery dollars, and therefore require no tax support. As far as we know, this is the largest capital- construction plan in the history of Oregon higher educa tion. In outlining the Governor's plan, phrases such as "sound business decision" and "good investments" were used. In fact, the $30.5 million in lottery revenues that law makers voted for higher education in 1985 has been instrumental in leveraging more than $99 million in fede ral and private gifts and grants for Oregon. Not only that, but that construction alone also is pro ducing the equivalent of a year's work for 1,200 Ore gonians. These are among the projects that the 1987 general- fund construction package will finance: • Removal of barriers to the handicapped at Eastern ( o /*< MfMBtR fE fW P Ä lP E R 4ssoc/ahon - Founded 1895 Sut»W options m a s te r $15 0 0 per m the Tn ( m in ty area Send address rh a n g e s to the A»n7«/«»/ r>h\er«er Post P O 288 0033 B o » 3137 Portland O regon 9 7?O8 M ir a li lb-n< /cr\nn. I ih to r /P u b lis h e r •\l H illia rm , ( te n e r a ! M a n a g e r N a t io n a l A d v e r tis in g R e p re s e n t at iv A m a lg a m a t e d P u b lis h e rs N e w V o ri, In«